نشریه تاریخ نامه ایران بعد از اسلام
پیاپی 31 (تابستان 1401)

After four decades have passed since the Islamic Revolution, a collection of various works about the history of this great event has been published. These works are the result of the efforts of researchers and historians and official and unofficial scientific and academic institutions and centers inside and outside the country, which ultimately led to the formation of the historiography of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. Historians narrate the history of the revolution according to their knowledge. Therefore, they have different perceptions of the revolution and its ideals. This has led to the creation of various works in this field and has ultimately contributed to the quantitative and qualitative growth of the historiography of the revolution. It is clear that the historiography of the Islamic Revolution cannot be evaluated in the continuation of the official historiography approach of the Pahlavi period due to its special features and components. On the other hand, the historiography of the Islamic Revolution is related to its historical tradition and is not created in a vacuum and all at once. For a correct understanding of the historiographical themes of the Islamic Revolution, it is first necessary to have a clear understanding of its intellectual foundations and sources. Western schools of thought, Iranian and Islamic traditions, and the world of historians, each of them somehow influenced the emergence and continuation of what we know as the historiography of the Islamic Revolution. It is not possible to examine this issue from all aspects in the form of an article. Therefore, the author has tried to focus on a very effective component in this field, and that is the relationship between the historiography of the Islamic Revolution and theological beliefs. For this purpose, some examples of the historiographical works about the Islamic Revolution in the period from 1340 to the present day have been examined. By critically examining these works, it can be seen that the historiography of the revolution, especially the historiography of the religious spectrums which later became the official historiography of the Islamic Revolution, is more than any other factor closely related to the theological thoughts of Islam and It has been formed especially for the teachings of the Shi'a. Therefore, the approach of many official historians of the revolution and the reading they present of the history of the revolution and its developments have a theological basis. The link between theology and history forms the main structure of the official historiography of the revolution.

An investigation of the Fotouh news indicates that the commanders of the Arab Muslim Corps in most cases preferred to gain control over the land of Iran through the conclusion of peaceful agreements instead of war. For this reason, in different ways, they gave immunity to the Iranian nobles and their subjects, despite having a history of war and even violation of the treaty and rebellion. They sat at the negotiating table with them. Considering the repetition of this policy, this question is raised, "what were the motivations in persuading the Arab political-military elites to adopt a strategy of reconciliation and compromise with the Iranian elites?" Although the great event of conquest of Iran by the Muslim Arabs has been discussed and analyzed by the historians from various angles, no comprehensive and independent research has been done to answer the question. Relying on the first-hand sources and using a historical approach and an analytical-descriptive method, the author tries to answer this question. The findings show that factors such as facilitating the advances of the Arab armies in Iran with the assistance of the local rulers, reducing resistances and protests in different areas of Iran by using the ethnic influence and prestige of the big local families, using the military force of the Iranian elites in the internal conflicts of Arab tribes, and using the knowledge and experiences of the Iranian bureaucrats and peasants in governing the occupied areas have been effective in concluding peaceful contracts. It was also the reason for the Arab political-military elites’ inclination to adopt the strategy of reconciliation and compromise with the Iranian nobles in conquering the land of Iran.

The expansion of Iran's relations with the West and the increase of the Iranians' awareness of the scientific and technical achievements of Western countries during the Qajar period caused the tendency of many enlightened thinkers and journalists to acquire new technologies. One of these Western countries was the United States, which was moving rapidly in the direction of development and progress. In this article, an attempt has been made to analyze the progress of America in the field of rail and railway industry, its reflection in the thought of the reformers of the Qajar period and its consequences in Iranian society, for the first time, implementing a descriptive-analytical method and using unpublished works and documents. The question is, despite Iran's desire to model American railways, what causes and factors prevented the investors of this country from entering Iran. The findings of the research indicate that although Iranians were familiar with railways through Europe from the Nasser period, the significant quantitative and qualitative development of the American rail network and trains drew the attention of the Iranian press to this country. In such a way that soon America was considered as the only model for the creation and development of railways. The current research also shows how Iranian statesmen tried to acquire this new technology, negotiating with the country's ambassadors and sending a special representative to America during the Mozafaruddin Shah period and trying to conclude a contract. Although these efforts failed for various reasons, it revealed the importance of the railway to Iranians more than ever.

Economic crises and problems in the Qajar era have always threatened the people's lives. The high price of bread was one of the most important and vital economic problems of the people in this period. Historical sources at the end of the Naseri era and during the Mozaffari era report the scarcity and high cost of bread in Tabriz and, as a result, public protests in this city. Riots and public protests about the lack of bread were often accompanied by a serious presence of women. In Tabriz during the Mozaffari era, the presence of women in the bread crisis protests was very evident. Women's victories in the bread riots, which sometimes caused the retreat of the rulers and the change of some government officials in the states, gave women the confidence to participate in other social demands. These collective protests became a model for the subsequent struggles of Tabriz women with the Qajar government in the events of the constitutional period. This research, with a descriptive-analytical approach and citing library sources, aims to deal with the role and efforts of Tabriz women in the protests against the bread crisis in the Mozaffari era and examine some of the results and effects of their struggles in this field.

Folk medicine in the Safavid period was influenced by several epistemological, cultural and social contexts. On the one hand, the long-lasting established historical, intellectual and cultural traits established the status of the Iranian society of the Safavid era as a pre-modern society. On the other hand, the occurrence of some political, social and cultural changes in this period influenced the cultural situation, the system of beliefs, worldviews, norms and actions of the social classes in the context of everyday life. These two major components directly and indirectly affected the state of folk medicine in this period. It is hypothesized that the folk medicine of the Safavid period is affected by some factors, such as the mythic nature of the society, reliance on pre-modern cosmology, the predominance of foreign sciences and approaches based on astrology, the spread of superstition and also the structural state of science. Using an analytical approach, the author tries to explain which of the epistemological, cultural and social factors highly affected the folk medicine in the Safavid era?

Due to its geographical location, Iran has faced many droughts and famines throughout history. One of these cases was the widespread and pervasive drought and famine in the Northern regions of the Persian Gulf between the years 1317 and 1324. Despite several studies in this field, researchers have provided an incomplete picture of this crisis. This research seeks to investigate the reflection of this crisis in the Northern areas of the Persian Gulf, located in the seventh and eighth provinces, in the mentioned period and examine the actions taken against this crisis. This research has been carried out using a descriptive-analytical method and relying on the library sources, archival documents, publications and new local sources. The results show that this crisis has been significantly reflected in the publications of that period, government documents and diaries in the form of reports of severe food shortages, insecurity, widespread deaths and extensive migration. However, referring to the same sources shows that the central government could not play an effective role in controlling this drought and famine due to various factors. In this regard, asking for help from the allies to provide food was not very fruitful. However, in some cases, actions were taken by them. On the other hand, the role of part of the social strata of the areas involved in this crisis has been effective and significant in reducing the suffering of the people.

The interactions of the executive and legislative powers (1327-1356 AH/1948-1977 AD) in the advancement of the development programs showed that construction is a costly, time-consuming and challenging process, and planning is realized as a political-economic process in the light of legislation. Therefore, the evaluation of the deliberations of the National Council shows a new narrative of how to realize the development plans and the discourse governing these institutions. This article seeks to answer this question, “what was the role of the legislature in the formulation and policy making process of the development programs during the period of Mohammad Reza Shah? In order to find an answer, it is necessary to find out at what levels the convergence of the mentioned institutions was significant in the progress of the development programs and changes in the program organization?  What factors caused their divergence towards programs to increase or decrease?  How much flexibility did the parliament show in considering the economic conditions? The role of the program commission in the internal structure of the parliament and the creation of the program supervision board is also examined. The findings show that the alignment and difference between these institutions can be seen in the planning and creating the necessary infrastructures at several levels. First, the convergence of the institutions could be observed in the country's need for economic-social planning and the approval of key laws, cooperation in the creation of the program organization. The differences appeared in issues such as the allocation of credits and expenditure, decentralization, regional development and government downsizing. This research evaluates these issues in a causal-comparative way, using parliament's deliberations, documents and library resources.